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By Carolyn M. Warner

Following global warfare II, the Catholic Church in Europe confronted the problem of creating political impression with newly rising democratic governments. The Church grew to become, as Carolyn Warner pointedly argues, an curiosity team like every different, trying to reach and solidify its effect via forming alliances with political events. the writer analyzes the Church's differing concepts in Italy, France, and Germany utilizing microeconomic theories of the enterprise and historic institutionalism. She demonstrates how just a strategic standpoint can clarify the alternative and toughness of the alliances in each one case. In so doing, the writer demanding situations previous paintings that ignores the prices to curiosity teams and events of maintaining or breaking their reciprocal hyperlinks.

Confessions of an curiosity workforce demanding situations the view of the Catholic Church as exclusively an ethical strength whose pursuits are seamlessly represented through the Christian Democratic events. mixing thought, cultural narrative, and archival examine, Warner demonstrates that the French Church's superficial and short reference to a political occasion used to be at once with regards to its lack of political impact in the course of the struggle. The Italian Church's strength, nonetheless, remained strong during the warfare, so the Church and the Christian Democrats extra simply chanced on a number of grounds for long term cooperation. The German Church selected yet one more direction, reluctantly aligning itself with a brand new Catholic-Protestant celebration. This publication is a crucial paintings that expands the transforming into literature at the economics of faith, curiosity crew habit, and the politics of the Catholic Church.

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Very little work has explored the conditions under which parties and interest groups support each other, how they exercise leverage over each other, monitor behavior, or decide to withdraw support. While analyzing the behavior of a major world religion in democratic politics, the book also seeks to create a foundation for a theory of interest group–party interaction. This book focuses on Italy and France, then extends its arguments to Germany. The primary time period is 1944–58, through the establishment of the postwar democracies, but, where relevant, the history of the Church in politics is also addressed.

The review of those arguments shows that common conceptions of interest groups inade- 18 CHAPTER 2 quately address the strategic, calculating nature of interest groups vis-a`-vis parties. Studies of the Catholic Church and Christian Democracy either conflate the two or stress their differences at the cost of ignoring the strong incentives the Church has to cooperate with the dominant political actors (be they parties in a parliamentary system or authoritarian regimes). INTEREST GROUPS AND THE LINKAGE FUNCTION OF PARTIES Interest groups have been studied as the representatives of particular subgroups in society that then link with political parties to be represented in the policy process.

This book focuses on Italy and France, then extends its arguments to Germany. The primary time period is 1944–58, through the establishment of the postwar democracies, but, where relevant, the history of the Church in politics is also addressed. Italy, France, and Germany vary considerably in the extent of Church dominance of the religious, social, and political spheres. The Italian Church was hegemonic, the French Church dominant but, with the French Revolution, was driven into a much more competitive situation with the French state.

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