By Narelle Miragliotta, Anika Gauja, Rodney Smith
Political events have regularly been basic to Australia's consultant democracy. As agencies, although, their persisted centrality and sturdiness depend on their skill to reply to altering political, social, and technological conditions, equivalent to declining degrees of club and partisan association, and the increase of social media. This quantity - the 1st booklet devoted to Australian political events in approximately a decade - brings jointly the various best students of Australian politics to check the evolving function and relevance of political events this present day. Chapters discover the variety of Australian events' organizational preparations, the modern demanding situations they face, and the associations that form their habit. The contributions inform a narrative of model by means of the Australian events in the course of a time of flux, one that means that social gathering businesses might be vital to Australian political existence for relatively it slow but. *** Librarians: book on hand on ProQuest and EBSCO (Series: Politics) [Subject: Politics, Australian reviews]
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Additional resources for Contemporary Australian Political Party Organisations
The propensity for recruiting drives to harvest members from ethnic social clubs and/or ethnically based sports clubs was so prevalent it became the subject of press and even scholarly analysis. Branches in Melbourne and Sydney would be referred to within party circles according to their dominant ethnic group rather than by their locality. The term ‘ethnic branch stack’ emerged. Indeed, some ethnic groups were being identified with the factional divide (in Victoria, for instance, the very large Turkish community was providing recruits for Labour Unity while the Greeks tended to be a very strong presence in the Socialist Left).
For example, there was no coalition in Victoria between 1948 and 1992 and the Liberal and National Parties were fierce electoral opponents (Costar 1999: 88–89). The relationship between the two parties in Western Australia has often been fraught and caused a split in the National Party in 1978 (Gallop and Layman 1985: 109–10). The Victorian Farmers’ Union (the Party’s name until 1926 when nonfarmers were admitted to membership) conducted a two-decade war of attrition with the federal organisation over electoral pacts with the Nationalist Party and then the United Australia Party (UAP) which saw the expulsion in 1934 of future leader and Deputy Prime Minister, John McEwen, for his temerity in joining the Lyons-Page Coalition Government contrary to the wishes of the state organisation (Costar 2006: 191–2).
Liberal Party divisions are inseparable from the personal ambitions of individuals. The problem with the party not recognising its own factionalism is that it has no mechanism for sharing power. As former New South Wales Premier Nick Greiner argued, ‘the winning faction takes all’ (cited in Baird 2008). A vibrant women’s division has been part of the Liberal Party and its predecessors. Resistant to Labor’s affirmative action approach to increasing The Liberal Party | 23 the number of women in parliament has seen the coalition parties trail Labor in this effort, although not by a considerable margin.