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By Vladimir Ilich Lenin

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Reagan had, apparently, quickly decided to support the second zero for political reasons. The damaging legacy of American heavy-handedness with the Germans was apparent almost as soon as the agreement on removing all INF was signed in December 1987. The Kohl government had warned the Americans that the removal of longer-range missiles would be bound to focus German popular and political opinion on the remaining Short-range Nuclear Forces (SNF); chiefly nuclear-tipped artillery shells and Lance missiles.

In large part, the group's influence was due to the very seniority of the officials taking part in it. This was such that their deliberations were reportedly not seriously constrained by instructions from their respective governments. 46 They could thus engage in freewheeling discussions and explore the possibilities for reaching multilateral consensus positions amongst themselves. After this, the seniority of the high-level officials ensured that their views would carry significant weight back home.

Boulder: Westview 1988), ppA3-4. , pA. 37-8. SI Which, according to Risse-Kappen, it duly was. , ppA9-S0. 49 40 CHAPTER 2 being convened, it is hard to avoid the conclusion that the SO's creation was largely a window-dressing exercise at this initial stage. Once the December 1979 'dual-track' INF decision was taken however this picture changed somewhat; not surprisingly given that the second announced 'track' was the pursuit of INF arms control. Indicative of the change was the formal rechristening, in December 1979, of the SG as the 'Special Consultative Group' (SeG).

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